President Obama's 2015 State of the Union Speech

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:

We are fifteen years into this new century. Fifteen years that dawned with terror touching our shores; that unfolded with a new generation fighting two long and costly wars; that saw a vicious recession spread across our nation and the world. It has been, and still is, a hard time for many.



But tonight, we turn the page.

Tonight, after a breakthrough year for America, our economy is growing and creating jobs at the fastest pace since 1999. Our unemployment rate is now lower than it was before the financial crisis. More of our kids are graduating than ever before; more of our people are insured than ever before; we are as free from the grip of foreign oil as we've been in almost 30 years.

Tonight, for the first time since 9/11, our combat mission in Afghanistan is over. Six years ago, nearly 180,000 American troops served in Iraq and Afghanistan. Today, fewer than 15,000 remain. And we salute the courage and sacrifice of every man and woman in this 9/11 Generation who has served to keep us safe. We are humbled and grateful for your service.

America, for all that we've endured; for all the grit and hard work required to come back; for all the tasks that lie ahead, know this:

The shadow of crisis has passed, and the State of the Union is strong.

At this moment — with a growing economy, shrinking deficits, bustling industry, and booming energy production — we have risen from recession freer to write our own future than any other nation on Earth. It's now up to us to choose who we want to be over the next fifteen years, and for decades to come.

Will we accept an economy where only a few of us do spectacularly well? Or will we commit ourselves to an economy that generates rising incomes and chances for everyone who makes the effort?



Will we approach the world fearful and reactive, dragged into costly conflicts that strain our military and set back our standing? Or will we lead wisely, using all elements of our power to defeat new threats and protect our planet?

Will we allow ourselves to be sorted into factions and turned against one another — or will we recapture the sense of common purpose that has always propelled America forward?

In two weeks, I will send this Congress a budget filled with ideas that are practical, not partisan. And in the months ahead, I'll crisscross the country making a case for those ideas.

So tonight, I want to focus less on a checklist of proposals, and focus more on the values at stake in the choices before us.

It begins with our economy.

Seven years ago, Rebekah and Ben Erler of Minneapolis were newlyweds. She waited tables. He worked construction. Their first child, Jack, was on the way.

They were young and in love in America, and it doesn't get much better than that.



"If only we had known," Rebekah wrote to me last spring, "what was about to happen to the housing and construction market."

As the crisis worsened, Ben's business dried up, so he took what jobs he could find, even if they kept him on the road for long stretches of time. Rebekah took out student loans, enrolled in community college, and retrained for a new career. They sacrificed for each other. And slowly, it paid off. They bought their first home. They had a second son, Henry. Rebekah got a better job, and then a raise. Ben is back in construction — and home for dinner every night.

"It is amazing," Rebekah wrote, "what you can bounce back from when you have to…we are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard times."

We are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard times.

America, Rebekah and Ben's story is our story. They represent the millions who have worked hard, and scrimped, and sacrificed, and retooled. You are the reason I ran for this office. You're the people I was thinking of six years ago today, in the darkest months of the crisis, when I stood on the steps of this Capitol and promised we would rebuild our economy on a new foundation. And it's been your effort and resilience that has made it possible for our country to emerge stronger.

We believed we could reverse the tide of outsourcing, and draw new jobs to our shores. And over the past five years, our businesses have created more than 11 million new jobs.

We believed we could reduce our dependence on foreign oil and protect our planet. And today, America is number one in oil and gas. America is number one in wind power. Every three weeks, we bring online as much solar power as we did in all of 2008. And thanks to lower gas prices and higher fuel standards, the typical family this year should save $750 at the pump.



We believed we could prepare our kids for a more competitive world. And today, our younger students have earned the highest math and reading scores on record. Our high school graduation rate has hit an all-time high. And more Americans finish college than ever before.

We believed that sensible regulations could prevent another crisis, shield families from ruin, and encourage fair competition. Today, we have new tools to stop taxpayer-funded bailouts, and a new consumer watchdog to protect us from predatory lending and abusive credit card practices. And in the past year alone, about ten million uninsured Americans finally gained the security of health coverage.

At every step, we were told our goals were misguided or too ambitious; that we would crush jobs and explode deficits. Instead, we've seen the fastest economic growth in over a decade, our deficits cut by two-thirds, a stock market that has doubled, and health care inflation at its lowest rate in fifty years.

So the verdict is clear. Middle-class economics works. Expanding opportunity works. And these policies will continue to work, as long as politics don't get in the way. We can't slow down businesses or put our economy at risk with government shutdowns or fiscal showdowns. We can't put the security of families at risk by taking away their health insurance, or unraveling the new rules on Wall Street, or refighting past battles on immigration when we've got a system to fix. And if a bill comes to my desk that tries to do any of these things, it will earn my veto.

Today, thanks to a growing economy, the recovery is touching more and more lives. Wages are finally starting to rise again. We know that more small business owners plan to raise their employees' pay than at any time since 2007. But here's the thing — those of us here tonight, we need to set our sights higher than just making sure government doesn't halt the progress we're making. We need to do more than just do no harm. Tonight, together, let's do more to restore the link between hard work and growing opportunity for every American.

Because families like Rebekah's still need our help. She and Ben are working as hard as ever, but have to forego vacations and a new car so they can pay off student loans and save for retirement. Basic childcare for Jack and Henry costs more than their mortgage, and almost as much as a year at the University of Minnesota. Like millions of hardworking Americans, Rebekah isn't asking for a handout, but she is asking that we look for more ways to help families get ahead.

In fact, at every moment of economic change throughout our history, this country has taken bold action to adapt to new circumstances, and to make sure everyone gets a fair shot. We set up worker protections, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid to protect ourselves from the harshest adversity. We gave our citizens schools and colleges, infrastructure and the internet — tools they needed to go as far as their effort will take them.



That's what middle-class economics is — the idea that this country does best when everyone gets their fair shot, everyone does their fair share, and everyone plays by the same set of rules. We don't just want everyone to share in America's success — we want everyone to contribute to our success.

So what does middle-class economics require in our time?

First — middle-class economics means helping working families feel more secure in a world of constant change. That means helping folks afford childcare, college, health care, a home, retirement — and my budget will address each of these issues, lowering the taxes of working families and putting thousands of dollars back into their pockets each year.

Here's one example. During World War II, when men like my grandfather went off to war, having women like my grandmother in the workforce was a national security priority — so this country provided universal childcare. In today's economy, when having both parents in the workforce is an economic necessity for many families, we need affordable, high-quality childcare more than ever. It's not a nice-to-have — it's a must-have. It's time we stop treating childcare as a side issue, or a women's issue, and treat it like the national economic priority that it is for all of us. And that's why my plan will make quality childcare more available, and more affordable, for every middle-class and low-income family with young children in America — by creating more slots and a new tax cut of up to $3,000 per child, per year.

Here's another example. Today, we're the only advanced country on Earth that doesn't guarantee paid sick leave or paid maternity leave to our workers. Forty-three million workers have no paid sick leave. Forty-three million. Think about that. And that forces too many parents to make the gut-wrenching choice between a paycheck and a sick kid at home. So I'll be taking new action to help states adopt paid leave laws of their own. And since paid sick leave won where it was on the ballot last November, let's put it to a vote right here in Washington. Send me a bill that gives every worker in America the opportunity to earn seven days of paid sick leave. It's the right thing to do.

Of course, nothing helps families make ends meet like higher wages. That's why this Congress still needs to pass a law that makes sure a woman is paid the same as a man for doing the same work. Really. It's 2015. It's time. We still need to make sure employees get the overtime they've earned. And to everyone in this Congress who still refuses to raise the minimum wage, I say this: If you truly believe you could work full-time and support a family on less than $15,000 a year, go try it. If not, vote to give millions of the hardest-working people in America a raise.

These ideas won't make everybody rich, or relieve every hardship. That's not the job of government. To give working families a fair shot, we'll still need more employers to see beyond next quarter's earnings and recognize that investing in their workforce is in their company's long-term interest. We still need laws that strengthen rather than weaken unions, and give American workers a voice. But things like child care and sick leave and equal pay; things like lower mortgage premiums and a higher minimum wage — these ideas will make a meaningful difference in the lives of millions of families. That is a fact. And that's what all of us — Republicans and Democrats alike — were sent here to do.



Second, to make sure folks keep earning higher wages down the road, we have to do more to help Americans upgrade their skills.

America thrived in the 20th century because we made high school free, sent a generation of GIs to college, and trained the best workforce in the world. But in a 21st century economy that rewards knowledge like never before, we need to do more.

By the end of this decade, two in three job openings will require some higher education. Two in three. And yet, we still live in a country where too many bright, striving Americans are priced out of the education they need. It's not fair to them, and it's not smart for our future.

That's why I am sending this Congress a bold new plan to lower the cost of community college — to zero.

Forty percent of our college students choose community college. Some are young and starting out. Some are older and looking for a better job. Some are veterans and single parents trying to transition back into the job market. Whoever you are, this plan is your chance to graduate ready for the new economy, without a load of debt. Understand, you've got to earn it — you've got to keep your grades up and graduate on time. Tennessee, a state with Republican leadership, and Chicago, a city with Democratic leadership, are showing that free community college is possible. I want to spread that idea all across America, so that two years of college becomes as free and universal in America as high school is today. And I want to work with this Congress, to make sure Americans already burdened with student loans can reduce their monthly payments, so that student debt doesn't derail anyone's dreams.

Thanks to Vice President Biden's great work to update our job training system, we're connecting community colleges with local employers to train workers to fill high-paying jobs like coding, and nursing, and robotics. Tonight, I'm also asking more businesses to follow the lead of companies like CVS and UPS, and offer more educational benefits and paid apprenticeships — opportunities that give workers the chance to earn higher-paying jobs even if they don't have a higher education.

And as a new generation of veterans comes home, we owe them every opportunity to live the American Dream they helped defend. Already, we've made strides towards ensuring that every veteran has access to the highest quality care. We're slashing the backlog that had too many veterans waiting years to get the benefits they need, and we're making it easier for vets to translate their training and experience into civilian jobs. Joining Forces, the national campaign launched by Michelle and Jill Biden, has helped nearly 700,000 veterans and military spouses get new jobs. So to every CEO in America, let me repeat: If you want somebody who's going to get the job done, hire a veteran.



Finally, as we better train our workers, we need the new economy to keep churning out high-wage jobs for our workers to fill.

Since 2010, America has put more people back to work than Europe, Japan, and all advanced economies combined. Our manufacturers have added almost 800,000 new jobs. Some of our bedrock sectors, like our auto industry, are booming. But there are also millions of Americans who work in jobs that didn't even exist ten or twenty years ago — jobs at companies like Google, and eBay, and Tesla.

So no one knows for certain which industries will generate the jobs of the future. But we do know we want them here in America. That's why the third part of middle-class economics is about building the most competitive economy anywhere, the place where businesses want to locate and hire.

21st century businesses need 21st century infrastructure — modern ports, stronger bridges, faster trains and the fastest internet. Democrats and Republicans used to agree on this. So let's set our sights higher than a single oil pipeline. Let's pass a bipartisan infrastructure plan that could create more than thirty times as many jobs per year, and make this country stronger for decades to come.

21st century businesses, including small businesses, need to sell more American products overseas. Today, our businesses export more than ever, and exporters tend to pay their workers higher wages. But as we speak, China wants to write the rules for the world's fastest-growing region. That would put our workers and businesses at a disadvantage. Why would we let that happen? We should write those rules. We should level the playing field. That's why I'm asking both parties to give me trade promotion authority to protect American workers, with strong new trade deals from Asia to Europe that aren't just free, but fair.

Look, I'm the first one to admit that past trade deals haven't always lived up to the hype, and that's why we've gone after countries that break the rules at our expense. But ninety-five percent of the world's customers live outside our borders, and we can't close ourselves off from those opportunities. More than half of manufacturing executives have said they're actively looking at bringing jobs back from China. Let's give them one more reason to get it done.

21st century businesses will rely on American science, technology, research and development. I want the country that eliminated polio and mapped the human genome to lead a new era of medicine — one that delivers the right treatment at the right time. In some patients with cystic fibrosis, this approach has reversed a disease once thought unstoppable. Tonight, I'm launching a new Precision Medicine Initiative to bring us closer to curing diseases like cancer and diabetes — and to give all of us access to the personalized information we need to keep ourselves and our families healthier.



I intend to protect a free and open internet, extend its reach to every classroom, and every community, and help folks build the fastest networks, so that the next generation of digital innovators and entrepreneurs have the platform to keep reshaping our world.

I want Americans to win the race for the kinds of discoveries that unleash new jobs — converting sunlight into liquid fuel; creating revolutionary prosthetics, so that a veteran who gave his arms for his country can play catch with his kid; pushing out into the Solar System not just to visit, but to stay. Last month, we launched a new spacecraft as part of a re-energized space program that will send American astronauts to Mars. In two months, to prepare us for those missions, Scott Kelly will begin a year-long stay in space. Good luck, Captain — and make sure to Instagram it.

Now, the truth is, when it comes to issues like infrastructure and basic research, I know there's bipartisan support in this chamber. Members of both parties have told me so. Where we too often run onto the rocks is how to pay for these investments. As Americans, we don't mind paying our fair share of taxes, as long as everybody else does, too. But for far too long, lobbyists have rigged the tax code with loopholes that let some corporations pay nothing while others pay full freight. They've riddled it with giveaways the superrich don't need, denying a break to middle class families who do.

This year, we have an opportunity to change that. Let's close loopholes so we stop rewarding companies that keep profits abroad, and reward those that invest in America. Let's use those savings to rebuild our infrastructure and make it more attractive for companies to bring jobs home. Let's simplify the system and let a small business owner file based on her actual bank statement, instead of the number of accountants she can afford. And let's close the loopholes that lead to inequality by allowing the top one percent to avoid paying taxes on their accumulated wealth. We can use that money to help more families pay for childcare and send their kids to college. We need a tax code that truly helps working Americans trying to get a leg up in the new economy, and we can achieve that together.

Helping hardworking families make ends meet. Giving them the tools they need for good-paying jobs in this new economy. Maintaining the conditions for growth and competitiveness. This is where America needs to go. I believe it's where the American people want to go. It will make our economy stronger a year from now, fifteen years from now, and deep into the century ahead.

Of course, if there's one thing this new century has taught us, it's that we cannot separate our work at home from challenges beyond our shores.

My first duty as Commander-in-Chief is to defend the United States of America. In doing so, the question is not whether America leads in the world, but how. When we make rash decisions, reacting to the headlines instead of using our heads; when the first response to a challenge is to send in our military — then we risk getting drawn into unnecessary conflicts, and neglect the broader strategy we need for a safer, more prosperous world. That's what our enemies want us to do.



I believe in a smarter kind of American leadership. We lead best when we combine military power with strong diplomacy; when we leverage our power with coalition building; when we don't let our fears blind us to the opportunities that this new century presents. That's exactly what we're doing right now — and around the globe, it is making a difference.

First, we stand united with people around the world who've been targeted by terrorists — from a school in Pakistan to the streets of Paris. We will continue to hunt down terrorists and dismantle their networks, and we reserve the right to act unilaterally, as we've done relentlessly since I took office to take out terrorists who pose a direct threat to us and our allies.

At the same time, we've learned some costly lessons over the last thirteen years.

Instead of Americans patrolling the valleys of Afghanistan, we've trained their security forces, who've now taken the lead, and we've honored our troops' sacrifice by supporting that country's first democratic transition. Instead of sending large ground forces overseas, we're partnering with nations from South Asia to North Africa to deny safe haven to terrorists who threaten America. In Iraq and Syria, American leadership — including our military power — is stopping ISIL's advance. Instead of getting dragged into another ground war in the Middle East, we are leading a broad coalition, including Arab nations, to degrade and ultimately destroy this terrorist group. We're also supporting a moderate opposition in Syria that can help us in this effort, and assisting people everywhere who stand up to the bankrupt ideology of violent extremism. This effort will take time. It will require focus. But we will succeed. And tonight, I call on this Congress to show the world that we are united in this mission by passing a resolution to authorize the use of force against ISIL.

Second, we are demonstrating the power of American strength and diplomacy. We're upholding the principle that bigger nations can't bully the small — by opposing Russian aggression, supporting Ukraine's democracy, and reassuring our NATO allies. Last year, as we were doing the hard work of imposing sanctions along with our allies, some suggested that Mr. Putin's aggression was a masterful display of strategy and strength. Well, today, it is America that stands strong and united with our allies, while Russia is isolated, with its economy in tatters.

That's how America leads — not with bluster, but with persistent, steady resolve.

In Cuba, we are ending a policy that was long past its expiration date. When what you're doing doesn't work for fifty years, it's time to try something new. Our shift in Cuba policy has the potential to end a legacy of mistrust in our hemisphere; removes a phony excuse for restrictions in Cuba; stands up for democratic values; and extends the hand of friendship to the Cuban people. And this year, Congress should begin the work of ending the embargo. As His Holiness, Pope Francis, has said, diplomacy is the work of "small steps." These small steps have added up to new hope for the future in Cuba. And after years in prison, we're overjoyed that Alan Gross is back where he belongs. Welcome home, Alan.



Our diplomacy is at work with respect to Iran, where, for the first time in a decade, we've halted the progress of its nuclear program and reduced its stockpile of nuclear material. Between now and this spring, we have a chance to negotiate a comprehensive agreement that prevents a nuclear-armed Iran; secures America and our allies — including Israel; while avoiding yet another Middle East conflict. There are no guarantees that negotiations will succeed, and I keep all options on the table to prevent a nuclear Iran. But new sanctions passed by this Congress, at this moment in time, will all but guarantee that diplomacy fails — alienating America from its allies; and ensuring that Iran starts up its nuclear program again. It doesn't make sense. That is why I will veto any new sanctions bill that threatens to undo this progress. The American people expect us to only go to war as a last resort, and I intend to stay true to that wisdom.

Third, we're looking beyond the issues that have consumed us in the past to shape the coming century.

No foreign nation, no hacker, should be able to shut down our networks, steal our trade secrets, or invade the privacy of American families, especially our kids. We are making sure our government integrates intelligence to combat cyber threats, just as we have done to combat terrorism. And tonight, I urge this Congress to finally pass the legislation we need to better meet the evolving threat of cyber-attacks, combat identity theft, and protect our children's information. If we don't act, we'll leave our nation and our economy vulnerable. If we do, we can continue to protect the technologies that have unleashed untold opportunities for people around the globe.

In West Africa, our troops, our scientists, our doctors, our nurses and healthcare workers are rolling back Ebola — saving countless lives and stopping the spread of disease. I couldn't be prouder of them, and I thank this Congress for your bipartisan support of their efforts. But the job is not yet done — and the world needs to use this lesson to build a more effective global effort to prevent the spread of future pandemics, invest in smart development, and eradicate extreme poverty.

In the Asia Pacific, we are modernizing alliances while making sure that other nations play by the rules — in how they trade, how they resolve maritime disputes, and how they participate in meeting common international challenges like nonproliferation and disaster relief. And no challenge — no challenge — poses a greater threat to future generations than climate change.

2014 was the planet's warmest year on record. Now, one year doesn't make a trend, but this does — 14 of the 15 warmest years on record have all fallen in the first 15 years of this century.

I've heard some folks try to dodge the evidence by saying they're not scientists; that we don't have enough information to act. Well, I'm not a scientist, either. But you know what — I know a lot of really good scientists at NASA, and NOAA, and at our major universities. The best scientists in the world are all telling us that our activities are changing the climate, and if we do not act forcefully, we'll continue to see rising oceans, longer, hotter heat waves, dangerous droughts and floods, and massive disruptions that can trigger greater migration, conflict, and hunger around the globe. The Pentagon says that climate change poses immediate risks to our national security. We should act like it.



That's why, over the past six years, we've done more than ever before to combat climate change, from the way we produce energy, to the way we use it. That's why we've set aside more public lands and waters than any administration in history. And that's why I will not let this Congress endanger the health of our children by turning back the clock on our efforts. I am determined to make sure American leadership drives international action. In Beijing, we made an historic announcement — the United States will double the pace at which we cut carbon pollution, and China committed, for the first time, to limiting their emissions. And because the world's two largest economies came together, other nations are now stepping up, and offering hope that, this year, the world will finally reach an agreement to protect the one planet we've got.

There's one last pillar to our leadership — and that's the example of our values.

As Americans, we respect human dignity, even when we're threatened, which is why I've prohibited torture, and worked to make sure our use of new technology like drones is properly constrained. It's why we speak out against the deplorable anti-Semitism that has resurfaced in certain parts of the world. It's why we continue to reject offensive stereotypes of Muslims — the vast majority of whom share our commitment to peace. That's why we defend free speech, and advocate for political prisoners, and condemn the persecution of women, or religious minorities, or people who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender. We do these things not only because they're right, but because they make us safer.

As Americans, we have a profound commitment to justice — so it makes no sense to spend three million dollars per prisoner to keep open a prison that the world condemns and terrorists use to recruit. Since I've been President, we've worked responsibly to cut the population of GTMO in half. Now it's time to finish the job. And I will not relent in my determination to shut it down. It's not who we are.

As Americans, we cherish our civil liberties — and we need to uphold that commitment if we want maximum cooperation from other countries and industry in our fight against terrorist networks. So while some have moved on from the debates over our surveillance programs, I haven't. As promised, our intelligence agencies have worked hard, with the recommendations of privacy advocates, to increase transparency and build more safeguards against potential abuse. And next month, we'll issue a report on how we're keeping our promise to keep our country safe while strengthening privacy.

Looking to the future instead of the past. Making sure we match our power with diplomacy, and use force wisely. Building coalitions to meet new challenges and opportunities. Leading — always — with the example of our values. That's what makes us exceptional. That's what keeps us strong. And that's why we must keep striving to hold ourselves to the highest of standards — our own.

You know, just over a decade ago, I gave a speech in Boston where I said there wasn't a liberal America, or a conservative America; a black America or a white America — but a United States of America. I said this because I had seen it in my own life, in a nation that gave someone like me a chance; because I grew up in Hawaii, a melting pot of races and customs; because I made Illinois my home — a state of small towns, rich farmland, and one of the world's great cities; a microcosm of the country where Democrats and Republicans and Independents, good people of every ethnicity and every faith, share certain bedrock values.



Over the past six years, the pundits have pointed out more than once that my presidency hasn't delivered on this vision. How ironic, they say, that our politics seems more divided than ever. It's held up as proof not just of my own flaws — of which there are many — but also as proof that the vision itself is misguided, and naïve, and that there are too many people in this town who actually benefit from partisanship and gridlock for us to ever do anything about it.

I know how tempting such cynicism may be. But I still think the cynics are wrong.

I still believe that we are one people. I still believe that together, we can do great things, even when the odds are long. I believe this because over and over in my six years in office, I have seen America at its best. I've seen the hopeful faces of young graduates from New York to California; and our newest officers at West Point, Annapolis, Colorado Springs, and New London. I've mourned with grieving families in Tucson and Newtown; in Boston, West, Texas, and West Virginia. I've watched Americans beat back adversity from the Gulf Coast to the Great Plains; from Midwest assembly lines to the Mid-Atlantic seaboard. I've seen something like gay marriage go from a wedge issue used to drive us apart to a story of freedom across our country, a civil right now legal in states that seven in ten Americans call home.

So I know the good, and optimistic, and big-hearted generosity of the American people who, every day, live the idea that we are our brother's keeper, and our sister's keeper. And I know they expect those of us who serve here to set a better example.

So the question for those of us here tonight is how we, all of us, can better reflect America's hopes. I've served in Congress with many of you. I know many of you well. There are a lot of good people here, on both sides of the aisle. And many of you have told me that this isn't what you signed up for — arguing past each other on cable shows, the constant fundraising, always looking over your shoulder at how the base will react to every decision.

Imagine if we broke out of these tired old patterns. Imagine if we did something different.

Understand — a better politics isn't one where Democrats abandon their agenda or Republicans simply embrace mine.



A better politics is one where we appeal to each other's basic decency instead of our basest fears.

A better politics is one where we debate without demonizing each other; where we talk issues, and values, and principles, and facts, rather than "gotcha" moments, or trivial gaffes, or fake controversies that have nothing to do with people's daily lives.

A better politics is one where we spend less time drowning in dark money for ads that pull us into the gutter, and spend more time lifting young people up, with a sense of purpose and possibility, and asking them to join in the great mission of building America.

If we're going to have arguments, let's have arguments — but let's make them debates worthy of this body and worthy of this country.

We still may not agree on a woman's right to choose, but surely we can agree it's a good thing that teen pregnancies and abortions are nearing all-time lows, and that every woman should have access to the health care she needs.

Yes, passions still fly on immigration, but surely we can all see something of ourselves in the striving young student, and agree that no one benefits when a hardworking mom is taken from her child, and that it's possible to shape a law that upholds our tradition as a nation of laws and a nation of immigrants.

We may go at it in campaign season, but surely we can agree that the right to vote is sacred; that it's being denied to too many; and that, on this 50th anniversary of the great march from Selma to Montgomery and the passage of the Voting Rights Act, we can come together, Democrats and Republicans, to make voting easier for every single American.



We may have different takes on the events of Ferguson and New York. But surely we can understand a father who fears his son can't walk home without being harassed. Surely we can understand the wife who won't rest until the police officer she married walks through the front door at the end of his shift. Surely we can agree it's a good thing that for the first time in 40 years, the crime rate and the incarceration rate have come down together, and use that as a starting point for Democrats and Republicans, community leaders and law enforcement, to reform America's criminal justice system so that it protects and serves us all.

That's a better politics. That's how we start rebuilding trust. That's how we move this country forward. That's what the American people want. That's what they deserve.

I have no more campaigns to run. My only agenda for the next two years is the same as the one I've had since the day I swore an oath on the steps of this Capitol — to do what I believe is best for America. If you share the broad vision I outlined tonight, join me in the work at hand. If you disagree with parts of it, I hope you'll at least work with me where you do agree. And I commit to every Republican here tonight that I will not only seek out your ideas, I will seek to work with you to make this country stronger.

Because I want this chamber, this city, to reflect the truth — that for all our blind spots and shortcomings, we are a people with the strength and generosity of spirit to bridge divides, to unite in common effort, and help our neighbors, whether down the street or on the other side of the world.

I want our actions to tell every child, in every neighborhood: your life matters, and we are as committed to improving your life chances as we are for our own kids.

I want future generations to know that we are a people who see our differences as a great gift, that we are a people who value the dignity and worth of every citizen — man and woman, young and old, black and white, Latino and Asian, immigrant and Native American, gay and straight, Americans with mental illness or physical disability.

I want them to grow up in a country that shows the world what we still know to be true: that we are still more than a collection of red states and blue states; that we are the United States of America.



I want them to grow up in a country where a young mom like Rebekah can sit down and write a letter to her President with a story to sum up these past six years:

"It is amazing what you can bounce back from when you have to…we are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard times."

My fellow Americans, we too are a strong, tight-knit family. We, too, have made it through some hard times. Fifteen years into this new century, we have picked ourselves up, dusted ourselves off, and begun again the work of remaking America. We've laid a new foundation. A brighter future is ours to write. Let's begin this new chapter — together — and let's start the work right now.

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless this country we love.





First published January 21st 2015, 12:03 am

The New York Times: É hora de devolver Guantânamo a Cuba - Portal Vermelho

The New York Times: É hora de devolver Guantânamo a Cuba - Portal Vermelho
Nos dez anos desde que o campo de detenção na base naval americana de Guantânamo foi aberto, o debate angustiante sobre se a instalação devia ser fechada - ou tornar-se permanente - obscureceu uma falha mais profunda que remonta a mais de um século e envolve todos os estadunidenses: a saber, nossa própria ocupação contínua de Guantânamo. Já é mais do que tempo de devolver esse enclave imperialista a Cuba.

Por Jonathan M. Hansen* no The New York Times

NYT



Ilustração publicada no artigo do The New York Times

Desde o momento em que o governo dos Estados Unidos obrigou Cuba a nos arrendar a base naval na Baía de Guantânamo, em junho de 1901, a presença americana ali tem sido mais do que uma pedra no sapato de Cuba.

Ela serviu para lembrar ao mundo a longa história de militarismo intervencionista dos Estados Unidos. Poucos gestos teriam um efeito tão salutar sobre o estúpido impasse nas relações
estadunidenses-cubanas quanto a devolução desse cobiçado pedaço de terra cubano.

As circunstâncias pelas quais os Estados Unidos vieram a ocupar Guantânamo são tão problemáticas quanto sua última década de atividade nessa parte da ilha. Em abril de 1898, as forças estadunidenses intervieram na luta pela independência de Cuba, que já durava três anos e estava praticamente ganha. Isso transformou a Guerra de Independência cubana no que os americanos ainda costumam chamar de Guerra Hispano-americana.

Em seguida, as autoridades americanas excluíram o Exército cubano do armistício e negaram a Cuba um assento na conferência de paz em Paris.

"Existe um rancor e uma mágoa naturais tão grandes em toda ilha, que as pessoas não conseguiram realmente comemorar o triunfo do fim do poder de seus antigos governantes", observou o general cubano Máximo Gómez em janeiro de 1899, depois que o tratado de paz foi assinado.

Curiosamente, a declaração de guerra dos Estados Unidos à Espanha incluiu a garantia de que os americanos não buscavam "soberania, jurisdição ou controle" sobre Cuba e pretendiam "deixar o governo e o controle da ilha a seu povo".

No entanto, após a guerra imperativos estratégicos tomaram precedência sobre a independência cubana. Os Estados Unidos queriam o domínio sobre Cuba e bases navais das quais pudessem exercê-lo.

Entra o general Leonard Wood, a quem o presidente William McKinley havia nomeado governador militar de Cuba, sustentando provisões que se tornaram conhecidas como a Emenda Platt. Duas eram particularmente odiosas: uma delas garantia aos Estados Unidos o direito de intervir à vontade nos assuntos cubanos; a outra dispunha sobre a venda ou arrendamento de bases navais.

Juan Gualberto Gómez, um destacado delegado à convenção constitucional cubana, disse que a emenda faria dos cubanos "um povo vassalo". Prenunciando a Crise dos Mísseis de Cuba, ele advertiu que bases estrangeiras em solo cubano só arrastariam Cuba "para conflitos não produzidos por nós e nos quais não temos nenhuma participação".

Tratava-se, entretanto, de uma oferta que Cuba não poderia recusar, como Wood informou aos delegados. A alternativa à emenda era a ocupação contínua. Os cubanos entenderam o recado.

"Existe, é claro, pouca ou nenhuma independência real deixada a Cuba pela Emenda Platt", observou Wood ao sucessor de McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, em outubro de 1901, pouco depois de a Emenda Platt ser incorporada à Constituição cubana. "Os cubanos mais sensatos percebem isso e sentem que a única coisa consistente agora é buscar a anexação."

Com a Emenda Platt em vigor, entretanto, quem precisava de anexação? Nas duas décadas seguintes, os Estados Unidos repetidamente despacharam fuzileiros navais com base em Guantânamo para proteger seus interesses em Cuba e bloquear uma redistribuição das terras.

Entre 1900 e 1920, cerca de 44 mil americanos rumaram para Cuba, aumentando o investimento de capital na ilha de US$ 80 milhões para pouco mais de US$ 1 bilhão e levando um jornalista a observar que "pouco a pouco, a ilha toda está passando para as mãos de cidadãos americanos".

Como isso era visto da perspectiva de Cuba? Bem, imaginem que, ao fim da Revolução Americana, os franceses tivessem decidido permanecer por aqui. Imaginem que os franceses tivessem se recusado a permitir que Washington e seu Exército comparecessem ao armistício em Yorktown. Imaginem que eles tivessem negado ao Congresso Continental um assento no Tratado de Paris, proibido a expropriação de propriedades, ocupado o Porto de Nova York, despachado tropas para esmagar a rebelião de Shay e depois imigrado para as colônias aos montes, apoderando-se das terras mais valiosas.

Esse é o contexto em que os Estados Unidos vieram a ocupar Guantânamo. Essa é uma história excluída dos livros didáticos estadunidenses e negligenciada nos debates sobre terrorismo, direito internacional e o alcance do poder Executivo. Mas é uma história conhecida em Cuba (onde motivou a revolução de 1959) e em toda a América Latina. Ela explica por que Guantânamo continua sendo um símbolo flagrante de hipocrisia mundo afora. Nem é preciso falar da última década.

Se o presidente Barack Obama quisesse reconhecer essa história e iniciar o processo de devolução de Guantânamo a Cuba, ele poderia deixar os erros dos últimos dez anos para trás, sem falar de cumprir uma promessa de campanha.

Dada a intransigência do Congresso americano, não poderia haver melhor maneira de fechar o campo de detenção do que entregar o restante da base naval com ele. Isso retificaria uma agravo antigo e assentaria as bases de novas relações com Cuba e outros países do Hemisfério Ocidental e em todo o globo. Por fim, enviaria uma mensagem inconfundível de que integridade, autocrítica e franqueza não são evidências de fraqueza, mas atributos indispensáveis de liderança num mundo em constante transformação.

Certamente, não deve haver maneira mais adequada de observar o lamentável 10.º aniversário da criação do centro de detenção, nesta quarta-feira (11), do que defender os princípios que Guantânamo solapou por mais de um século.

Jonathan M. Hansen é palestrante em estudos sociais da universidade de Harvard, é autor do livro "Guantánamo: An American History" (Guantânamo: Uma História Americana)
Tradução: Celso Paciornik

Guerra do Iraque maquiada: contagem seletiva de mortos - Portal Vermelho

Guerra do Iraque maquiada: contagem seletiva de mortos - Portal Vermelho

Alguém deveria informar aos produtores e distribuidores de noticiário, que os cerca de 4.500 soldados norte-americanos mortos na guerra do Iraque não são as únicas vítimas a lamentar. Morreram também centenas de milhares de iraquianos, resultado da tresloucada invasão norte-americana, e muitos mais foram feridos e/ou mutilados para sempre.

Por Ramzy Baroud, no Counterpunch

Não fosse a ação alucinada do ex-presidente George W Bush e seu bando de neoconservadores, é alta a probabilidade de que essas vítimas da guerra do Iraque ainda estivessem vivas hoje. O Iraque foi destruído várias, várias vezes, por uma mistura bizarra de ambição evangélica, mania de fazer-se ver como ‘mocinho’ de filme de caubói e desejo patológico de “garantir a segurança de Israel”.

Matéria curta, exibida pela rede WTKR, afiliada da rede CBS de televisão em Vírgina, citada em matéria do Los Angeles Times Online dia 16 de dezembro, mostrava uma bandeira dos EUA sendo hasteada numa pequena base militar em Bagdá. Na cerimônia, o secretário de Defesa Leon E. Panetta reiterou os sacrifícios dos EUA e tentou apresentar sob a luz de alguma racionalidade uma das guerras mais destrutivas, na memória recente do mundo. Vários outros noticiários também declararam terminada a guerra do Iraque, embora alguns manifestassem dúvidas sobre se os iraquianos – apresentados como historicamente, se não geneticamente, violentos – conseguirão administrar a própria vida, agora que os EUA davam por encerrada sua intervenção “humanitária”.

Numa revisão rápida dos fatos: Estimativa publicada em The Lancet informou que, entre março de 2003 e junho de 2006, 601.027 iraquianos sofreram morte violenta. Levantamento feito por Opinion Research Business, fixou em 1,03 milhão o número de mortos na guerra do Iraque, de março de 2003 a agosto de 2007. WikiLeaks publicou declaração em que se lia que “dentre os quase 400 mil documentos secretos dos EUA sobre a guerra do Iraque que divulgamos, vários documentos comprovam que os EUA sabem que morreram pelo menos 15 mil iraquianos a mais do que antes supunham”. Isso, além das centenas de milhares de iraquianos mortos ao longo da década de sítio que os EUA impuseram ao Iraque, e as centenas de milhares que foram mortos durante a primeira guerra do Iraque, entre 1990-91.

À parte os números, a imprensa-empresa em todo o mundo está hoje dedicada a reescrever os parâmetros da discussão, numa operação de omissão, apagamento e o mais escancarado racismo.

Tome-se, por exemplo, o artigo de Loren Thompson na revista Forbes. Thompson entende que a guerra foi erro – não por causa das mentiras, da imoralidade ou da ilegalidade – mas, exclusivamente, pelos muitos erros cometidos envolvendo recursos, indecisão, falta de objetividade, ou por causa do sectarismo dos iraquianos, ou por causa da inconsistência das decisões militares e outras causas desse tipo. Apesar desses erros “nossas intenções eram boas” – garante Thompson [1].

Para evitar que alguém o tomasse por “esquerdista imbecil antiguerra” – que é como a imprensa-empresa de direita apresenta qualquer um que se oponha por qualquer motivo às guerras dos EUA – Thomson faz um comentário interessante:

“O que os políticos e a maioria dos eleitores nos EUA já sabem hoje é que o Iraque, em primeiro lugar, nem deveria ser país; tentar fazer a democracia funcionar lá sempre foi, mesmo, missão sem futuro”.

Esse tipo de intransigência, de falta de decência democrática (destruir um país soberano e, para justificar a destruição, negar-lhe o direito de algum dia ter existido) – eco perfeito do que Israel diz sobre o que faz na Palestina – é traço sempre presente em todos os veículos da grande imprensa-empresa nos EUA, dessa vez nas representações que oferecem da Guerra do Iraque.

Em artigo no Los Angeles Times de 15 de dezembro, David S. Cloud e David Zucchino reconhecem, embora atrasados, que iraquianos foram mortos. Mas citam o menor número de mortos que encontraram (do website Iraqi Body Count), e recorreram a generalizações tão vagas, que acabam por culpar os iraquianos por todas as violências: “Sem os EUA, caberá aos iraquianos controlar a violência endêmica naquele país”. [2]

Sim, “endêmica” – uma endemia de violência: violência que seria “natural ou característica de povo ou local específicos”, como diz o dicionário. Se os iraquianos são naturalmente violentos, violentos por causa de sua cultura, de sua religião, ou mesmo que fossem geneticamente violentos... por que o número de mortos cresceu tanto, no Iraque, a partir de março de 2003, data da invasão norte-americana? Quem tomou a decisão de ir à guerra, tornando a violência “endêmica” no Iraque? Com certeza, não foram os iraquianos.

Tampouco foram os iraquianos os culpados por ressemear sementes dos conflitos sectários. Estimular a violência sectária também foi estratégia para redefinir o papel dos militares no Iraque: pararam de ter de encontrar armas de destruição em massa (que jamais existiram) e puseram-se a combater o terrorismo e, simultaneamente, jogavam gasolina no fogo da violência sectária.

Em termos militares crus, é possível que a guerra do Iraque esteja acabada, mas no que tenha a ver com o povo do Iraque, a guerra continua. O “experimento”, iniciado há nove anos com bombardeio para gerar “choque e pavor”, reaparecerá nas futuras políticas dos EUA. Toda a região foi convertida em espinha dorsal de um Império norte-americano que enfrenta a decadência.

Em seu influente livro A Doutrina do Choque - a Ascensão do Capitalismo de Desastre, Naomi Klein mostrou como a guerra do Iraque foi concebida como modelo para todo o Oriente Médio. Foi um teste, cujo sucesso influenciaria a geopolítica de toda a região. No capítulo intitulado “Apagar o Iraque: À procura de um modelo para o Oriente Médio”, Klein expõe a tentativa de destruir e em seguida ressuscitar o país, de modo a que passasse a caber melhor na forma que mais interessava aos que provocaram a destruição. A autora conclui assim a Parte 5 do livro: “De fato, no final, a guerra do Iraque criou um modelo econômico: o modelo da guerra e da reconstrução privatizadas – modelo que rapidamente se tornou produto de exportação.”

Em artigo para FoxNews Online, sob o título “Iraque: vitória ou derrota?”, Oliver North não perde tempo com tentar mostrar-se isento, nem com manifestar qualquer simpatia aos iraquianos. “Quem venceu a guerra?” – pergunta ele. “Essa é fácil: os soldados, marinheiros, pilotos, policiais e Marines dos EUA e o povo dos EUA, cujos filhos e filhas serviram no Iraque”. [3]

Foi esse tipo de patriotismo irracionalista, esse fanatismo de torcedor de futebol, que tornou a guerra possível. E continuará a facilitar guerras futuras, que serão apresentadas ao “público interno” e, daí, ao mundo, como mais vitórias falsas.

Quanto aos milhões de norte-americanos (e muitas outras pessoas, nos EUA e em todo o mundo), gente que valentemente, corajosamente, se opôs à guerra, continua a opor-se.

Se os EUA contam com reconquistar um átomo de credibilidade em todo o mundo, que parem de pensar a guerra como mera oportunidade estratégica. A guerra é brutal e desumana. É caríssima, em vários planos de valor e em vários sentidos. E suas consequências terríveis persistem ao longo de várias gerações – como o futuro do Iraque comprovará, sem dúvida e muito infelizmente.

Notas dos tradutores
[1] 15 de dezembro/2011, “Iraq: The Biggest Mistake In American Military History”, Forbes (em inglês).
[2] 15 de dezembro/2011, Los Angeles Times, “Final U.S. troops roll out of Iraq” (em inglês).
[3] 16 de dezembro/2011, Oliver North, “Iraq: Victory or Defeat?” (em inglês).

Fonte: Blog Redecastorphoto. Traduzido pelo pessoal da Vila Vudu

Leia também:

O luto de Pionguiangue e a agressividade cínica do imperialismo - Paulo Vinícius Silva

CTB: Obama - Persona non grata

Obama - Persona non grata

Plenária Unificada dos Movimentos Sociais organiza manifestação contra presença do presidente no país

Os movimentos sociais brasileiros consideram o presidente dos Estados Unidos, Barack Obama, persona non grata no Brasil e rechaçam a sua presença em nosso país.

O atual mandatário dos Estados Unidos mantém a orientação belicista de ocupar países e agredir povos em nome da “luta ao terrorismo”. Obama tem reiterado que o objetivo fundamental do seu governo no setor externo é reafirmação da hegemonia estadunidense no mundo, inclusive na área militar.

Dizemos que Obama é persona non grata no Brasil porque, como latino-americanos, sabemos que a política dos Estados Unidos para a América Latina não mudou em nada. Não aceitamos a manutenção do bloqueio a Cuba, as provocações contra a Venezuela, a Nicarágua, a Bolívia e o Equador.

O governo Obama apoiou o golpe militar em Honduras, que retirou do poder o presidente legitimo Manuel Zelaya, e mantém o apoio ao atual governo de fato, que é denunciado por inúmeras violações aos direitos humanos. Como recompensa pelo apoio às forças golpistas, os EUA instalaram duas novas bases militares neste país.




Temos acompanhado a ampliação da presença militar dos EUA na região, tanto as iniciativas dirigidas a instalar novas bases militares na Colômbia, quanto a movimentação de tropas na Costa Rica e no Panamá.

A disputa pelo petróleo está no centro das guerras promovidas pelo imperialismo estadunidense. No caso do Brasil, logo após a descoberta de petróleo nas águas do Atlântico Sul, reativaram a chamada Quarta Frota de sua marinha de guerra e falam ainda em deslocar para estas pacificas águas, os navios de guerra da Otan. As imensas reservas do pré-sal, estimadas em pelo menos 10 trilhões de dólares, atraem a cobiça dos EUA. Com certeza, o ouro negro brasileiro é uma das maiores motivações da vinda do presidente estadunidense ao nosso país.

Obama também liderou a Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte que consagrou um “novo conceito estratégico” a partir do qual se arroga o direito de intervir militarmente em qualquer região do planeta. Os Estados Unidos nunca abriram mão de dominar nossos países e continuam considerando nosso continente como sua área de influência.

Os EUA sob a presidência de Barack Obama falam em Direitos Humanos, mas mantém os cinco heróis cubanos presos injustamente, e reafirmam o apoio à política genocida do Estado sionista israelense contra o povo palestino. Sob Barack Obama, os Estados Unidos mantiveram a presença das tropas de ocupação no Iraque e no Afeganistão, e desde este país bombardeiam o Paquistão. Só nessas guerras já foram mortos dezenas de milhares de civis e inocentes. Sob o seu governo os EUA ameaçam países soberanos como o Irã, a Síria e a Coréia do Norte, e continuam em pleno funcionamento o centro de detenções e torturas de Guantánamo, mantida em território cubano de forma ilegal e contra a vontade deste povo.

Obama chega ao Brasil num momento em que os Estados Unidos e seus aliados, principalmente os europeus, preparam-se, sob falsos pretextos, para perpetrar novas intervenções militares. Agora, no norte da África, onde, com vistas a assegurar o domínio sobre o petróleo, adotam a opção militar como a estratégia principal. Os Estados Unidos querem arrastar as Nações Unidas para sua aventura, numa jogada em que pretende na verdade instrumentalizar a organização mundial e dar ares de multilateralismo à sua ação militarista e imperial.

No mesmo 20 de março, dia em que Obama estará visitando o Brasil, acontecerão manifestações em todo o mundo convocadas pela Assembleia Mundial dos Movimentos Sociais realizada durante o Fórum Social Mundial de Dacar, Senegal. O dia de mobilização global foi convocado para afirmar a “defesa da democracia, o apoio e a solidariedade ativa aos povos da Tunísia e do Egito e do mundo árabe que estão iluminando o caminho para outro mundo, livre da opressão e exploração”. O 20 de março será um Dia Mundial de Luta contra a multiplicação das bases militares dos Estados Unidos, de solidariedade com o povo árabe e africano, e também de apoio à resistência palestina e saharauí. O mundo não pode tolerar uma nova guerra, agora, na Líbia!

É nesse contexto que convocamos a Plenária Unificada dos Movimentos Sociais contra a vinda do Obama, espaço onde os movimentos sociais de todo o país construirão uma grande manifestação de repúdio à presença de Obama no Brasil com destaque para a ação que será organizada no Rio de Janeiro no dia 20 de março.

Abaixo o imperialismo estadunidense!

Assinam:
CTB
CMS - Coordenação dos Movimentos Sociais UNE
MST
CEBRAPAZ CUT
CSP-Conlutas
Intersindical

Confira o discurso de Lula na COP 15

O Brasil foi muito elogiado pela intervenção do presidente Lula na COP 15, que trata das medidas para combater o aquecimento global.

Vale a pena ver o discurso na íntegra, para entender o impacto da posição do Brasil no tema e as repercussões. O Brasil ocupa um novo espaço no debate mundial.

E, principalmente, nossas posições são justas. Nossa natureza tão cobiçada merece tais posicionamentos, afirmadores da nossa soberania. A aliança por essas posições é ampla e o Brasil cumpriu papel fundamental no seu desenho. Conheçam o sítio sobre a participação do governo no evento e vejam o vídeo do Discurso de Lula na COP 15






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